Comrade Joseph writes: "While partition was the operative criterion of the workings of the
settler colonial projects in all these settings (indeed the name of that
strategy in South Africa was "partition" or "Apartheid") and ending it
was determined to be the only way to liberation, only in the Palestine
case, partition is presented as the way not to strengthen the Zionist
settler-colonial project, but amazingly, as a way for Palestinian
"liberation". (Here one must emphatically expose all attempts to compare
or equate the partition of India between its own indigenous peoples -
an outcome of British colonial policy - with the project of partitioning
Palestine between natives and colonial-settlers as nothing short of a
ruse to "normalise" Israel as just another nation-state fraught with
ethnic and religious problems, rather than a settler-colony practicing
colonial dispossession of the native population.)
One would wish that Palestinian pragmatists were only suffering from the compulsion not to repeat anti-colonial strategies and to repeat colonial ones, as their new trauma consists mainly in the increasing success of the Palestinian non-pragmatist anti-colonial strategy calling for the establishment of one unpartitioned state that will end Jewish colonial and racial privilege, and establish equality for all. The Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement is one of the key components of this anti-colonial strategy, although it does not explicitly take a position on the state arrangements that would formalise this decolonisation.
The pragmatists' compulsion to declare a state yet again and to partition Palestine one more time is another attempt to defeat the struggle for one state, or effective decolonisation in any form. Whether a Palestinian "state" is admitted to the General Assembly or not, this compulsion to re-enact and repeat the partition plan is doomed to the same fate as its predecessors, as it will not lead to the "two-state solution". Its failure, however, will be nothing short of another boon for the goal of a decolonised and democratic one state and for Palestinian liberation."
One would wish that Palestinian pragmatists were only suffering from the compulsion not to repeat anti-colonial strategies and to repeat colonial ones, as their new trauma consists mainly in the increasing success of the Palestinian non-pragmatist anti-colonial strategy calling for the establishment of one unpartitioned state that will end Jewish colonial and racial privilege, and establish equality for all. The Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement is one of the key components of this anti-colonial strategy, although it does not explicitly take a position on the state arrangements that would formalise this decolonisation.
The pragmatists' compulsion to declare a state yet again and to partition Palestine one more time is another attempt to defeat the struggle for one state, or effective decolonisation in any form. Whether a Palestinian "state" is admitted to the General Assembly or not, this compulsion to re-enact and repeat the partition plan is doomed to the same fate as its predecessors, as it will not lead to the "two-state solution". Its failure, however, will be nothing short of another boon for the goal of a decolonised and democratic one state and for Palestinian liberation."
