"Hysteria about ‘white civilisation’ gripped America after Europe’s
self-mutilation in the First World War had encouraged political assertiveness
among subjugated peoples from Egypt to China. Unlike other popular racists, who
parsed the differences between Nordic and Latin peoples, Stoddard proposed a
straightforward division of the world into white and coloured races. He also
invested early in Islamophobia, arguing in The New World of Islam
(1921) that Muslims posed a sinister threat to a hopelessly fractious and
confused West. Like many respectable eugenicists of his time, Stoddard later
found much to like about the Nazis, which marked him out for instant
superannuation following the exposure of Nazi crimes in 1945...Ferguson’s proposed ‘Anglobalisation’ of the world was little more than an
updated version of American ‘modernisation theory’, first proposed as an
alternative to Communism during the Cold War, and now married to revolutionary
violence of the kind for which Communist regimes had been reviled. It makes for
melancholy reading in 2011. But in the first heady year of the global war on
terror, easy victories over the ragtag army of the Taliban ignited
megalomaniacal fantasies about the ‘Rest’ across a broad ideological spectrum in
Anglo-America, from Ann Coulter arguing that ‘we should invade their countries,
kill their leaders and convert them to Christianity’ to the unctuous
‘Empire-Lite’ of Michael Ignatieff and the ‘liberal imperialism’ peddled by
Robert Cooper, one of Blair’s fly-by-night gurus. ‘Islamofascism’ seemed as evil
as Nazism, Saddam Hussein was another Hitler, a generation-long battle loomed,
and invocations of Winston Churchill – ‘the greatest’, according to Ferguson,
‘of all Anglo-Americans’, his resolute defence of English-speaking peoples
commemorated by a bust in the Bush White House – seemed to stiffen spines all
across the Eastern Seaboard...Ferguson did not entirely ignore the more egregious crimes of imperialism:
the slave trade, the treatment of Australian aborigines or the famines that
killed tens of millions across Asia. But he offered a robust defence of British
motives, which apparently were humanitarian as much as economic. Transporting
millions of indentured Asian labourers to far-off colonies (Indians to the Malay
Peninsula, Chinese to Trinidad) was terrible, but ‘we cannot pretend that this
mobilisation of cheap and probably underemployed Asian labour to grow rubber and
dig gold had no economic value.’ And he challenged the ‘fashionable’ allegation
that ‘the British authorities did nothing to relieve the drought-induced famines
of the period.’ In any case, ‘whenever the British were behaving despotically,
there was almost always a liberal critique of that behaviour from within British
society.’ He sounds like the Europeans described by V.S. Naipaul – the grandson
of indentured labourers – in A Bend in the River, who ‘wanted gold and
slaves, like everybody else’, but also ‘wanted statues put up to themselves as
people who had done good things for the slaves’." (thanks Ben)