""Although many of the protesters, foreign governments, and  analysts have concentrated on the personality of Egyptian President Hosni  Mubarak, those surrounding the embattled president, who make up the wider  Egyptian regime, have made sure the state's viability was never in question.  This is because the country's central institution, the military, which  historically has influenced policy and commands near-monopolistic economic  interests, has never balked. ... Despite the fact that a general with a megaphone stated  his solidarity with the protesters while other protesters painted "Down to  Mubarak" on tanks across central Cairo, no acts of organizational fragmentation  or dissent within the chain of command have occurred. ... The military's rank and file, who are deployed on the  streets, became part of a different regime strategy. There is no doubt that  solidarities developed between protesters and soldiers as fellow citizens, but  the army's aloof neutrality underscores that its role on the sidelines was  intentional. This was prominently on display when the "pro-Mubarak"  demonstrators attacked antigovernment protesters in Tahrir on February 2. That  the siege of a major city square took place over the course of 16 hours, leaving  13 dead and more than 1,200 wounded, according to the Egyptian Ministry of  Health, suggests that the military's orders were conceived to cast its officers  as potential saviors from the brutal violence.
 
This containment strategy has worked. By  politically encircling the protesters, the regime prevented the conflict from  extending beyond its grasp. With the protesters caught between regime-engineered  violence and regime-manufactured safety, the cabinet generals remained firmly in  control of the situation.... This latest adaptation of autocracy in the Arab  world is more honest than its previous incarnations. Before the uprising in  Egypt began, the military ruled from behind the curtain while elites,  represented by public relations firms and buoyed by snappy slogans, initiated  neoliberal economic policies throughout Egypt. In this latest rendering, with  Suleiman at the helm, the state's objective of restoring a structure of rule by  military managers is not even concealed. This sort of "orderly transition" in  post-Mubarak Egypt is more likely to usher in a return to the repressive status  quo than an era of widening popular participation."" (thanks Khelil)