Tuesday, July 26, 2005

Various news from my Lebanon trip: The presidential palace in Lebanon, in comparison to the only other "presidential palace" I know, the Qatari royal palace (see my post from February of 2003 titled the Amir and I), is quite modest. I had visited it back in the late 1980s when my father took me to interview Amin Gemayyel when he was president. I have a picture somewhere of me frowning in that encounter. My father, who was friends with Gemayyel, went along in the hope that I would behave myself. It was tense during the interview: Gemayyel finally blurted out: "You are influenced by American propaganda against me". But his presidential palace at the time was run very fascistically with empty Lebanese-style majesty. The Lahhud's palace is more modest and more informal. And Lahhud was quite isolated at the time of my visit. I took a cab to the palace, and as I was allowed into the palace by the presidential guard, I found myself wondering around with no person in sight. I had to say a loud "hello" before a protocol person saw me, and ushered me in. Ceremonies, unlike Gemayyel's days, were quite minimal. Few days earlier, Lahhud saw me on New TV evening newscast in which I was offering my assessment of the Lebanese scene. Lahhud told his foreign policy advisor, a friend, "your friend"--in reference to me--does not spare anybody in his criticisms. New TV, it seems, videotapes every talk I give in Lebanon, and then uses the segment in my talk that deals with the Hariri family and uses it. They did that last year, and they did this year. In fact, this year, I was going to sleep when I heard the lead of the New TV's evening news say: "...and he fiercely attacked Sa`d Hariri..." I rushed to see who that person is, only to learn it was me. I really don't mind it as long as they quote me accurately--they do--and it is important at the time of Hariri-Saudi media monopoly in Lebanon to use every opportunity to attack the dangerous political role of the Hariri political inc. I am particularly infuriated today at the sight of the freeing of war criminal Samir Ja`ja` (who could not as a former Israeli military functionary utter a word about the liberation of Lebanon from Israeli occupation and who did not utter a word about Ta'if) and blame that--his release from jail that is--on Sa`d Hariri. He wants so bad to undermine the leadership of `Awn among the Christians but it will not work, and will exacerbate Lebanese tensions. Going back to Lahhud. I asked him a very specific question, and he went quite general on me. I was displeased. I knew that time would be limited, but fortunately he dismissed his protocol person at least 4 times when he tried to end the meeting. I had written bitterly against Lahhud in the past, and referred to his extension of his term as "the Returnee by Crowning"--in As-Safir. I interrupted his general discourse, and threw several specific questions. He quickly started referring to internal Lebanese developments, and the formation of the Lebanese cabinet. I found him more loyal to Hizbullah than Hizbullah members. Lahhud could only stay in power with the support of the Shi`ites and the sectarian Maronite patriarch. Lahhud complained about the Hariri media domination. He correctly pointed out that not a single Lebanese media is free of Hariri money connection. I told him that one of the criticisms I have of him is his reluctance to address the Lebanese people directly. He told me that he recently when his mandate came under attack gave interviews to a French channel and to CNN. I said: that is not the point, that I was talking about addressing the Lebanese people directly. I also told him that his habit of issuing press releases through his press office looks so bad, and does not smack of respect for the Lebanese people. He listened intently and said something to the effect that maybe something has to be done in that regard. I found him tough but limited in intellectual and analytical capacities. He told me that he would never resign: that it would be cowardly to resign at this juncture. He then told me that in contemporary Lebanese presidential practice, whenever a Lebanese president gets elected, the head of an Arab country sends him $5 million to help him in his media and propaganda efforts, and told me that former president Ilyas Hrawi got paid $10 million in that regard. I asked him if I can use that information, and he said no, but I am assuming that he just did not want me to name the Arab head of state. He said that upon becoming president, the head of that state sent him with this well-paid Lebanese journalist $5 million but that he refused it. The Lebanese journalist then took the money, but Lahhud then pressed him to return the money for fear that the Arab head of state would think that Lahhud got the money. He also told me that when his "friendship" with Prince Al-Walid Bin Talal started Al-Walid suggested that he gives him a cool (what does that American expression mean? A cool million?) $10 million to start his own charity, and that he told him "for the sake of our friendship, let us never talk about money." Of course, he wanted me to think of him as a man of integrity. While there is no information or even suspicions that Emile Lahhud profited from the presidency, it is certain that his two sons profited immensely from the presidency, and his son Emile Jr.'s name appeared on the dishonourable Saddam's coupon list of Al-Mada newspaper in Iraq. Lahhud will only stay in power due to the sectarian nature of the political system and the Maronite patriarch and other sectarian Maronite leaders would not support the principle of the resignation or the ouster of a "Maronite" president. That is why it is only Jumblat who stands for the resignation of Lahhud, although he has muted his demands as of late. Brilliant columnist Joseph Samahah and gifted journalist Ibrahim Al-Amin strongly urged me to interview former right-wing militia leaders who are now prominent right-wing leaders in Lebanon, and Al-Amin even game me the phone number of somebody in the Lebanese Forces leadership. I thought about it for several days, and then told Al-Amin that I just cannot, and that have discovered I am still of the view of "isolating the Phalanges"--a slogan of the left from 1975. Al-Amin then said: "I have discovered that you have been living abroad for far too long." I once was eating dinner, and I heard this voice in my ear: "You are very vocal against imperialism and Zionism." I turned around to see a major leader of the Lebanese opposition who now now holds a major ministry. He is a kind person with whom I have maintained cordial ties. Revealing his name may hurt him, perhaps. I was once waiting to meet with a Lebanese politician; he told me to meet him at a steakhouse (as a vegetarian, I hate steakhouses) in the vicinity of the Lebanese parliament. I was there on time, as I always am, and ordered myself a chamomile (Babunij in Arabic). While I was waiting at this empty restaurant, I saw a man with his revolver on his waist, not a common view in Lebanon today--running toward the restaurant, and then opening the door and rushing toward me. For a few seconds, I assumed that that I am in danger. He then came face-to-face with me to say that: "Mr. X apologizes and he is giving an interview to LBC-TV and will be here in a few minutes." A former Lebanese minister told me that some members of the Lebanese cabinet used to "secretly" turn on their cellphones during cabinet meetings so that Syrian intelligence agents could hear what was going on. The same apparently happened in parliamentary meetings. So many members of the opposition were so closely linked to Syrian intelligence, like Na'ilah Mu`awwad and Samir Franjiyyah. Every one now wants to claim that he/she was victim of Syrian mukhabarat. What a bunch of liars they all are. You cannot maintain respect for that political class in Lebanon. I was pleased to meet a group of young leftist Lebanese, and most were not members of any political party. That is a hopeful sign. People who want to transcend the narrow sectarianism of society and the political system. Syrian foreign policy establishment is a mess, I learned from this trip, and it shows. Faruq Ash-Shar` does not get along with Buthanya Sha`ban, and does not get along with Walid Mu'allim. But Syrian foreign minister Faruq Ash-Shar` gets along famously with himself, and is a huge fan of his person. But the foreign ministry was not even involved in Lebanese affairs until the last few months, and even then...other "apparatuses" of power participated in decision making.